China is moving fast from bargain-basement arms dealer to serious high-end contender, and its latest fighters are at the centre of that shift. A new US Pentagon assessment suggests Beijing is on the verge of a major breakthrough in export sales, with several nations weighing Chinese jets against some of the West’s most advanced aircraft.
China’s fighter export push steps up a gear
China’s aviation industry is in overdrive. New stealth fighters, carrier-capable jets and electronic warfare aircraft are rolling out for the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). At the same time, Beijing is pushing at least three fighter types for export: the FC‑31 stealth jet, the J‑10C multirole fighter, and the cheaper JF‑17 Thunder co-produced with Pakistan.
China is now able to offer a full fighter “ladder” — from budget light jets to fifth-generation stealth — in a way Western rivals struggle to match on price or flexibility.
The latest unclassified Pentagon report to Congress on China’s military says that, as of mid‑2025, the FC‑31 had no confirmed foreign customers. That does not tell the whole story. The same report flags “interested clients” — notably Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). All three are hunting for modern combat aircraft and find themselves constrained, to varying degrees, by US or European political red lines.
FC‑31: Beijing’s answer to the F‑35
The FC‑31 is the export derivative of the J‑35, China’s new stealth fighter. Early prototypes flew in 2012, but the design has since been heavily reworked, with major changes to the fuselage, cockpit and engines. The PLA Navy now fields a carrier version, while a land-based J‑35A has begun appearing in public displays.
The export FC‑31 is pitched directly against the American F‑35, and also against newer non‑US projects such as Turkey’s TF Kaan and South Korea’s KF‑21.
- Stealth shaping and internal weapons bays
- Modern active electronically scanned array (AESA) radar
- Long-range Chinese air-to-air missiles
- Potential to operate alongside loyal wingman drones
For countries unable or unwilling to secure F‑35s, that package is attractive. Cairo, Riyadh and Abu Dhabi all want a stealth capability but face political strings from Washington, especially around Israel’s so‑called “qualitative military edge”. China is offering a stealth aircraft with fewer conditions attached and, likely, wider technology transfer.
If Beijing lands the first FC‑31 export deal, it will gain a foothold in the same premium market niche long dominated by the F‑35.
Why Gulf states are listening
Saudi Arabia and the UAE are classic Western customers, but their options have narrowed. A Saudi deal for more Eurofighter Typhoons stalled over human rights concerns. Riyadh has since flirted with France’s Rafale, Boeing’s F‑15EX and even a potential F‑35 sale floated by the Trump administration.
➡️ Stricter blood pressure standards stir unease among cardiologists
➡️ Mark Zuckerberg’s AI announcement shakes the global scientific community
➡️ Goodbye Microwave: The New Appliance That Could Replace It for Good
➡️ Panic in the Caribbean: giant snakes invade Puerto Rico and endanger local biodiversity
➡️ Genetically unique group in southern Greece can trace their paternal ancestry to the Bronze Age
The UAE, once cleared for 50 F‑35As in a vast arms package, pulled back after clashing with Washington over restrictions to protect the jet from Chinese prying eyes. Beijing has promptly presented the FC‑31 as a less constrained alternative. Neither Gulf state wants to bet everything on one supplier again.
J‑10C: mid‑tier workhorse looking for new homes
Below the FC‑31, China is pushing the J‑10C — a single‑engine multirole fighter roughly comparable in role to the F‑16 or Rafale, though not in every aspect of performance.
So far, only Pakistan has bought it. Islamabad has ordered 36 aircraft and taken delivery of 20, integrating them rapidly into front‑line squadrons. The jets reportedly saw combat this year in renewed clashes with India, paired with long‑range PL‑15 air‑to‑air missiles. State media in China seized on the episode to market the aircraft as a combat‑proven package.
According to the Pentagon report, Egypt, Uzbekistan, Indonesia, Iran and Bangladesh have all signalled interest in the J‑10C at various points. Each faces different obstacles, from funding to domestic politics to existing commitments with Western suppliers.
| Potential buyer | Current fighter plans | J‑10C prospects |
|---|---|---|
| Egypt | Lost Russian Su‑35 deal under US sanctions pressure | May use Chinese jets to replace blocked Russian options |
| Indonesia | Rafale order signed, F‑15EX variant planned | Interest noted, but market now crowded |
| Iran | Aging F‑14s, F‑4s, MiG‑29s; no major new imports | Best chance for J‑10C deal, given isolation from West |
| Bangladesh | Letter of intent signed for Eurofighter Typhoon | J‑10C interest likely fading |
States squeezed by US sanctions or human rights conditionality see the J‑10C as a way to jump several generations of capability in one go.
Iran’s urgent need for modern jets
Iran stands out. Years of embargoes and its own pariah status have left its air force flying museum‑age US and Soviet designs. A much‑touted Su‑35 deal with Russia has yet to materialise, and Tehran’s fighter fleet suffered losses in its confrontation with Israel earlier this year.
For Iran, a J‑10C purchase would offer modern radar, missiles and sensors, without Western oversight. For China, the sale would deepen strategic ties with a key partner in the Gulf and test its fighters in one of the world’s most volatile regions.
JF‑17: the budget fighter that’s quietly spreading
At the lower end, the JF‑17 Thunder has become China’s most successful export fighter so far. Co‑developed with Pakistan and not used by the PLA, it is marketed as a light, affordable combat aircraft for states that cannot fund or secure more advanced jets.
As of 2024, the Pentagon tracks JF‑17 deliveries to:
- Pakistan
- Azerbaijan
- Burma (Myanmar)
- Nigeria
Talks are also reported with Iraq, which already flies F‑16IQs. Baghdad has struggled to keep its US‑made fleet fully operational, especially after maintenance teams were withdrawn in 2020. A cheaper Chinese type, with looser support requirements and easier spares, may look like a safety net.
Later JF‑17 variants include AESA radar and modern weapons, edging the jet closer to what many air forces consider “good enough” for air policing, strike missions and border defence.
Why China’s offer lands where the West hesitates
Several structural advantages underpin the likely growth in Chinese fighter exports.
Chinese combat jets are cheaper, come with fewer political strings, and can be paired with loans, resource deals or infrastructure projects under the Belt and Road brand.
Many developing countries simply cannot afford Western fighters or are blocked from buying them due to US and EU export controls. China is usually more willing to sell to controversial regimes, and less inclined to tie arms deals to human rights conditions or democratic reforms.
Beijing also uses arms transfers as a tool of diplomacy. Fighter purchases open the door to training, maintenance contracts, basing access and political influence. For leaders wanting diversification away from Western suppliers, that can be attractive, even if Chinese kit does not always match Western performance in every detail.
Drones and “loyal wingmen” as a force multiplier
One emerging angle is “system sales” rather than stand‑alone aircraft. China is racing to field armed drones that can fly alongside crewed fighters as so‑called loyal wingmen — carrying extra missiles, sensors or jammers.
For a small air force, pairing a handful of J‑10Cs or FC‑31s with cheaper unmanned aircraft could create the impression of a much larger and more modern fleet. That concept, similar to US plans for Collaborative Combat Aircraft, is likely to feature heavily in Chinese marketing pitches this decade.
Key terms and scenarios worth watching
Several technical and political terms will recur as Chinese jet exports grow:
- AESA radar: a more advanced radar that can track multiple targets, resist jamming and support long‑range missiles.
- CAATSA sanctions: US law allowing Washington to punish states that buy major arms from Russia, which has already affected Egypt’s Su‑35 deal.
- Fifth‑generation fighter: an aircraft with stealth shaping, advanced sensors, data‑fusion and networking, such as the F‑35 or J‑20.
One plausible near‑term scenario is a mixed ecosystem: a country like Egypt or Saudi Arabia flying Western jets for prestige and interoperability, while filling out squadron numbers with cheaper Chinese aircraft and drones. That mix would complicate maintenance and training, but it would also give governments leverage when negotiating with Washington or Brussels.
Another risk lies in escalation dynamics. As more states in tense regions — the Gulf, South Asia, East Africa — acquire long‑range missiles and modern sensors from China, the balance of airpower shifts quickly. Politicians may overestimate what new jets can achieve, or underestimate the training and sustainment required to use them safely.
Against that backdrop, the next big headline will be telling: the identity of the first foreign buyer to sign on the dotted line for China’s FC‑31. Once one country breaks the ice on a Chinese stealth fighter, others currently sitting on the fence are more likely to follow.